Harmonizing with the dust

"The Ming Dynasty 1566" He Maocai once told Hai Rui: As an official, one must blend with the light and dust.

Hai Rui is the Hai Gangfeng who indirectly starved his own daughter; he is the light, hard as steel throughout his life;
He Maocai is the governor who has mingled in the officialdom for many years; he is the dust, always speculating on his master's thoughts until death.

This drama is profound, realistic, and pierces the human heart, and the phrase "blend with the light and dust" has been mulled over by many.

The daughter inherited Hai Rui's hard character and stubbornly starved herself to death.

"Blend with the light and dust" comes from the Tao Te Ching: "Diminish its sharpness, unravel its tangles, harmonize its light, and blend with its dust; this is called the profound unity."

It means: to dull the sharpness, to resolve disputes, to merge into the myriad phenomena of light, and to mix with the dust of the earth; the greatest is also the smallest, this is called the mysterious assimilation, the subtle great unity.

In fact, upon careful consideration, the meaning of blending with the light and dust roughly presents three types of personality groups:

The first type

Mediocre individuals who mistakenly believe they are light, self-deceiving.

The most famous explanation is by Daoist priest Meng Zhiling on the three concealments of Daoism:

There is a way, which does not reveal one's Dao in the secular world (one can have the perspective to see the essence and objective dimensionality), but rather tries to maintain the same as secular people.

It does not mean that an ordinary person can blend with the light and dust; ordinary people do not need to blend with the light and dust, as they are inherently dust.

This is said plainly.

The masses are also clear that many beings are indeed ordinary people, with very few capable individuals. They just do not want to truly accept their mediocrity.

They possess various human flaws: laziness, cunning, pretentiousness, lust, jealousy, greed... and so on. The general public is indeed very secular!

Those who consider themselves "light" are often the least welcomed in a group, as they mostly reveal a mismatch of virtue and ability in their actual lives, and their fate is often filled with self-pity.

The second type

Individuals whose abilities or backgrounds are indeed outstanding, yet arrogant.

A friend of Ryan, the sharp general, said well: My father taught me that those whom everyone says are "very shrewd and scheming" are actually not smart. Because everyone knows he is shrewd, they will be wary of him. On the contrary, those who seem honest and uncalculating are often the most unpredictable.

Many capable individuals bury themselves in work, unguarded, yet overlook the principle that to do things well, one must first know how to be a person.

Where there are people, there is a world; where there is a world, there is humanity.#

We often inadvertently fall into the traps of human nature. To see clearly these traps of human nature, we must first clarify another question: What is the essence of a person?

The most authoritative voice on this question is, of course, the great socialist founder Karl Marx (1818-1883). Two hundred years ago, the philosophical community was in a heated debate over the question of "What is the essence of a person?" Fortunately, Marx swept through Europe with a single statement, awakening an entire era. This statement is: The essence of a person is not an abstract quality inherent to an individual. In its reality, it is the sum of all social relations. — "Theses on Feuerbach, Thesis 6"

What does this mean? Marx pointed out,

① Natural attributes are the instinctual qualities of a person, such as appetite, sexual desire, survival instinct, etc.

② Social attributes are the essential qualities of a person, mainly referring to the relational attributes of cooperation, exchange, and interdependence among people. For example, human labor, language, and morality are all derived from social attributes as a kind of "skill."

Thus, in Marx's view: natural attributes are shared by humans and animals, while social attributes are unique to humans.

For example: In 1920, two wolf-girl children were discovered among a pack of wolves in Kolkata, India. One was named "Kamala," and the other "Amala." Because these two girls lived among wolves from a young age, they walked on all fours, feared light and fire, and were nocturnal. They did not eat vegetables, could not speak, and howled like wolves every day. Although the locals tried their best to restore their humanity and social attributes, they all failed. This story proves that humans are essentially social animals; if a person lacks social attributes, they cannot be called human. In other words, a person is essentially the sum of all social relations. Why discuss this theory? Because social attributes represent the moral aspect, while natural attributes represent the aspect of desire. Since the essence of a person is social attributes, a person's social attributes fundamentally restrict their natural attributes. Social culture is like a prison, confining desires.

Natural attributes, or "desires," only determine a person's thinking patterns. Social attributes, or "culture," determine an individual's behavior patterns. So, what kind of impact do social attributes have on a person's behavior?

Human nature is complex, always centered around "I" and "myself."

People with jealousy, avoidance, and other psychological traits will envy your salary being higher than theirs, or your partner being more attractive than theirs, but they will not reflect on their own contributions and abilities, etc., in a positive self-reflective manner.

Many people display their "light" with a strong attitude or inadvertently, which invisibly adds a wall around themselves, positioning them against the group, creating a wall that invites criticism.

Groups are not influenced by rational thinking and can only understand those simplified, pieced-together viewpoints.

When the group you belong to loses rationality, even if you are clear-headed, your situation will be difficult; either you will be abandoned by the group or seen as an enemy by the group.

From "The Crowd" by Gustave Le Bon.

Those close by are jealous, while those far away admire.

Hai Rui is the "light," possessing a character of integrity and the ability to execute with an iron fist. However, his "rigidity" and "idealism" overlook the extinguishing of human desires by secular humanity; he is a sufficiently sharp knife, but who would keep a used blade by their side?

The third type

A lonely light, blending with the dust, attaining the Dao.#

In "The Great River," Xiao Hui plays basketball with Secretary Shui, and Old Shui comments:

"You haven't forgotten my age and position; you simply cannot cooperate. You are not too independent; you are too arrogant.

However, your arrogance is not the usual kind of pride, but a kind that arises from being too smart and too excellent, a kind of arrogance that comes from deep within."

"I'll change."

"This kind of arrogance cannot be changed. But don't be discouraged; arrogance is also a person's capital. It is your persistence and continuous effort that drives you forward. But this kind of arrogance must be deeply hidden in your heart, not shown to others, and you must not impose your standards on others."

"Are you saying I should lower my expectations of others?"

"Modern industry emphasizes two things: social division of labor and social cooperation. Managing others is also a form of cooperation; to cooperate with others, you must fully understand their characteristics. Society is composed of the masses; some people may not be as excellent as you, and some may not be as ambitious and strong-willed as you, but you cannot do without them. To cooperate with them, you must slow down your pace so that others can keep up with you."

Such people are too focused and too selfish. So selfish that they forget those behind them, focused to the point of naively believing that individual achievements can surpass collective achievements.

Great capable individuals are also lonely; they see through the cultural attributes of society. They disdain to participate in the "lower" material distribution of the masses, enjoying a high degree of thinking and spiritual freedom.

Some people have learned to harvest; ignorance is indeed a social resource for the wise, as they harvest the advantageous parts of human flaws. The consensus of fools is also a consensus; such insights are not something everyone can articulate.

In the 1566 drama, Hu Zongxian (who is portrayed as a positive heroic figure in the drama, while another representative is Li Hongzhang) is so high and unattainable that the jealousy of the mediocre masses can no longer harm him. However, when Hu is trying to turn the tide, he knows he must have the masses stand behind him to accomplish his mission.

Blending with the light does not pollute the body, and blending with the dust does not change the truth.#

In doing anything, do not be one-sided or eager for quick success; there must be advances and retreats, and some detours, maintaining flexibility.
Where there are people, there is struggle; if you cannot learn interpersonal relationships, you will always be constrained by others.
How fortunate we are to have encountered the era of China's rising national fortune over the past century; I do not want to waste this era.
The road is chosen by oneself; even if it is difficult, one must continue on.
Success requires effort, not waiting for opportunities.
Life is like a marathon; it requires persistent running.
The distance reveals the horse's strength, and time reveals a person's heart; time will prove everything.
Do not let this world be given to those you despise.
A tree that stands out in the forest will be blown down by the wind.
Life has no "if," only consequences and results.
A person's realm is limited by their vision.
Be cautious when others are greedy, and be greedy when others are cautious.

14. The waters of the Canglang are clear, and can wash my tassels; the waters of the Canglang are muddy, and can wash my feet.#

However, ideals have always been a luxury; to persist in ideals, one must be willing to pay the price.
Blending with the light and dust means understanding division of labor and cooperation.
Where there are people, there is a world, and there is struggle.
The more capable a person is, the more their words can be easily understood.
Talent can only be proven through action, which is the most effective.
First, extreme confidence is blind; second, knowing oneself and the enemy ensures victory in every battle. Finally, the primary focus of doing business is market awareness.
Even if there is an excess of production capacity in the world, the top is always scarce, and the scarce can always be priced by the owner.
When being a person and making money, do it quietly, without making a fuss, and be happy yourself.
If you want to make money, find policies; that is an unbreakable truth.
Those in the temple can make friends; people have always done this, and even the petty thieves can enter the curtain; in the past, Meng Changjun escaped misfortune because of this. When employing people, one should have a broad mind and not be rigid.
In doing anything, one must seize the opportunity before others; if you cannot learn from Song Yunhui's cleverness, then learn from Zhu Bajie; even eating and relieving oneself must be done first. Seizing the front means more opportunities; standing behind others will never get you the meat.
He finally believed that there is a deep yet shallow gap between theory and practice, and this gap is called experience.
You have always been strong; that has never changed, but life has always been giving us difficult problems, and that has never changed.

The underlying logic of "a small temple has strong winds, and a shallow pond has many turtles" is that everyone, in a limited fixed environment, pursues the maximization of personal interests for survival. As animals, humans' direct instincts are to compete for limited resources for their survival, maintaining their own and their group's continuity. When there is no contact with the outside world, and the focus is only on the limited resources within the local area, one can go to any lengths to obtain the scarce resources in sight. The result of competition is a zero-sum game; the winner takes all, and the loser is zero. As a loser, because they were zero in the previous round of competition, they will be on the lookout and ready to seize the opportunity at any time. As the previous round's winner takes all, they also dare not slack off, fearing that overnight their resources will vanish. Therefore, because the temple is small and lacks hierarchy, a gust of wind can make it seem very large; because the water is shallow, the turtles must stick their heads out to share a bit of water. This internal struggle among the eight immortals crossing the sea, each displaying their skills, results in the small temple being on the verge of collapse, and the incense not being preserved; a shallow pond also becomes increasingly muddied, and ultimately, when faced with a drought, the water evaporates, and the shallow water cannot be retained.

The opening of "The Theory of Fate" states: "Governance and chaos are fate; ... those who succeed are fate." Li Kang believes that the stability and turmoil of a country depend on fate; an individual's difficulties and prominence depend on destiny; the nobility and lowliness of status depend on fortune. This part serves as the overall outline of the text. Li Kang believes that when a wise ruler meets a capable minister, the national fortune flourishes; when a capable minister encounters a wise ruler, their name and position become prominent, and the meeting of ruler and minister is all about timing. To thoroughly explain this point, he cites a large number of historical facts, both positive and negative, repeatedly discussing the influence of fate on people, even saying that "Qu Yuan sank into the Xiang River because of it, and Jia Yi was driven to despair because of it," all because they did not understand fate and did not comprehend the principle of "being content with one's fate."

The "sage" and the "petty person" have different attitudes toward fate. Li Kang believes that the reason sages become sages is that they can be content with their fate, so they bear the hardships of fate without resentment, hold important positions without suspicion, and their "body can be suppressed, but fate cannot be bent"; "position can be displaced, but name cannot be taken." Those who cater to the secular world and are content to conform are adept at reading faces and adapting to circumstances, "following the gathering of power as if returning to the market; abandoning it as if shedding old clothes"; "using observation as spirit and adaptability as flexibility." They toil in the pursuit of fame and fortune, ultimately unable to escape the shameful and tragic fate of figures like Fei Lian, E Lai, Fei Wuji, Zhang Tang, and Shi Xian. From this perspective, fate is fair to everyone.

Finally, Li Kang discusses the establishment of virtue by sages. Establishing virtue is a matter of a person's character, so it does not necessarily require "wealth," "power," or "riches." The greatest virtue of heaven and earth is to nurture all things, and the greatest treasure of sages is the position of emperors. How to maintain the throne is called benevolence, and how to prevent people from doing wrong is called righteousness. Therefore, those who ruled in ancient times governed the world with one person, rather than using the world to support one person. Those who served as officials in ancient times promoted the way of ruler and minister through their positions, not coveting official titles for the sake of fame and fortune. Ancient gentlemen considered it shameful to have the world but not be able to govern it, and not to have obtained it despite being able to govern.

"The Theory of Fate" theoretically aligns with Wang Chong's "Encounter" and "Cumulative Harm," promoting the idea of fate, yet upon a comprehensive reading of the text, it is a passionate work. The article speaks of fate everywhere, yet its main purpose is not to discuss fate but to criticize the various evils of the officialdom and social conditions. Subsequently, Liu Xiaobiao wrote "On Distinguishing Fate," extending Li Kang's ideas, with even more intense language.

"The Theory of Fate" is a lengthy article, rich in content and complex in thought. Some specific metaphors and analyses in the text are not without merit; however, the overall argument is somewhat biased. The author, having witnessed the late-stage power of the Cao Wei regime falling into the hands of the Sima family, lamented the impermanence of national rise and fall and the meeting of rulers and ministers, yet could not comprehend it, thus attributing everything to fate, openly stating: "Governance and chaos are fate; poverty and wealth are destiny; nobility and lowliness are timing." He believes that this "fate" is unchangeable, and an individual's rise or fall, nobility or lowliness, is all manipulated by personal fate and the era's fate. To prove this point, he cites many historical figures and events, such as "Bai Li Xi in the state of Yu and Yu's downfall, in Qin and Qin's hegemony, not because he was not talented in Yu but because he was talented in Qin"; Zhang Liang receiving a letter on the ruins, persuading the heroes, but no one understood, until he encountered Liu Bang, who listened to every word and often used his strategies, "not because Zhang Liang's clumsy speech in Chen Xiang was clever in Pei Gong," all due to fate. Moreover, Confucius was a sage of his time, whose "Dao was sufficient to save the world, yet he could not gain favor with people; his words were sufficient to endure for thousands of years, yet he was not believed in his time; his actions were sufficient to respond to the divine, yet he could not be recognized in the secular world; he was invited to seventy states, yet did not gain a single lord; he was humiliated in the domain of the barbarians and summer, and disrespected at the gates of the nobles; this was his misfortune." Conversely, those whose virtue was inferior to Confucius, such as Zisi and Zixia, could influence the rulers and shine for a time; this is what fate has predetermined.

"The Theory of Fate" is written in the style of parallel prose, with exquisite diction, orderly language, careful sound, and rich allusions, and can be considered a very mature piece of parallel prose, which has a significant impact on the development of parallel prose in later periods.

Ma Guoqing | "Separation of Families: In Division, There is Continuation and Unity — A Study of China's Family Separation System" - Department of Sociology, Peking University wap

Editor's Note

Ma Guoqing, born in September 1963. A native of Hangjin Rear Banner, Inner Mongolia, he is currently the Vice President of Minzu University of China and the Dean of the School of Ethnology and Sociology. From 1991 to 1997, he pursued a doctoral degree in the Department of Sociology at Peking University (Institute of Sociology and Anthropology), under the guidance of Mr. Fei Xiaotong. From March 1997 to September 2004, he taught at the Institute of Sociology and Anthropology at Peking University, serving as a lecturer and associate professor. Ma Guoqing has been deeply influenced by the research philosophy of sociology and anthropology at Peking University, with main research directions including the Chinese national community, ethnic and regional development studies, and globalization and cross-regional social system studies.

It is generally believed that family separation in China is a complete rupture of the family as a whole, akin to cell division. However, through field investigations, the author has found that in China's family separation system, while the economic family is separated, the cultural family can never be separated. Family separation is actually a process where division contains both continuation and unity. "Continuation" manifests as "successors," that is, the obligation to support the elderly, and also as the obligation to worship ancestors. "Unity" refers to the various cultural agreements between the original family and the separated families, as well as among the separated families. Thus, the division at the family level and the unity at the clan level are organically combined. Here, the division arises from the practical needs of farmers; the unity is a realization of Confucian values. Therefore, it can be seen that the grand tradition and the small tradition of Chinese society are not opposed but are a connected separation.

Separation of Families: In Division, There is Continuation and Unity — A Study of China's Family Separation System#

Ma Guoqing

As early as the 1940s, Mr. Fei Xiaotong used the triangular structure of the family to describe the characteristics and evolution of family structure in "The Reproductive System." He pointed out that from the perspective of a core family, when a couple marries, the two points of the triangular structure are already established, and when children are born, the third point of the triangle is formed, thus completing the triangle in the social structure. "This completed triangle is referred to as a family in anthropological and sociological terms." As the number of children increases, the third point becomes stronger, and the triangular structure gradually expands. "At a certain time, a child cannot remain stable in this triangle; they cannot forever be just a point connected to their parents; they must combine with two points to form a new triangle." This causes the original family triangle to no longer be complete. "This is not an accidental outcome of the original triangle, but the ultimate purpose of forming this triangle. The rupture of the triangle is the completion of its function." Here, Mr. Fei vividly describes the process of a family giving birth to a new family in clear language, and the so-called "rupture of the triangle" is naturally the result of family separation. This article intends to continue discussing the topic of the rupture of the triangle, focusing on the family separation system in Chinese society.

Generally speaking, family separation refers to the state and process in which married brothers separate from the original large family through the division of livelihood and property. In this article, the term has both broad and narrow meanings. In a broad sense, family separation refers to the new families formed after separation, including the parents' home and the families of the offspring; in a narrow sense, family separation specifically refers to the new families formed by the offspring, which corresponds to the original family that refers to the parents' home. The establishment of a new household is a manifestation of family reproduction.

Of course, the so-called independence of family separation is relative. "Economically, they have become independent, meaning they each have their own property and their own hearth. However, various social obligations still connect them... they help each other, and their relationships in daily life are relatively close." The author has conducted investigations on the family separation system in Beiwang Village, Zhao County, Hebei, and will first discuss the connotation of family separation based on the case studies obtained from the investigation. The following case study 1 reflects the family separation process over nearly half a century, while case study 2 reflects the actual family separation from the beginning of this century to the present.

Case Study 1: The JPY Family.

In Figure 1, after JMT and JGT separated, they gradually developed into two independent families. In the genealogy of JMT, there are two sons, JX and LM, and these two families separated in 1942; the third generation, JRS (c), also separated from his father in 1942, and the third son, LZ (d), separated from his father in 1954; JLM's side had no sons, so he passed on his brother's two sons, LR, who separated from his father in 1954, and the separated family is e; thus, a relationship is formed between a and c, d, and b and e, where e is actually a separation from a. In the genealogy of the JGT family, its five sons separated in 1945, and by the 1960s, except for three who had separated, the other families had not separated, but the family types of each family presented different structures, with 2, 4, and 6 being extended families, and 3 and 5 being nuclear families, with 3 having moved to another place due to military service.

Now let's look at a family that has been separating since the beginning of this century.

Case Study 2: The JLH Family

According to JLH (male, 68 years old), during his great-grandfather's time, there were 6 rooms and 16 acres of land, with 13 people; by his grandfather's generation, there were 5 brothers, with a total of 18 people in the family, later leading to two families. When JLH was 9 years old (in 1937), there were 20 people in the family and 60 acres of land, without separation. In 1937, his third uncle, considering his own interests (at that time he only had one daughter), was the first to propose separation. At that time, separation was based on "shares" and not according to the number of people. When separating, the three brothers each received one share, and 60 acres of land were divided into 20 acres each. After his grandfather divided 20 acres, his father and elder uncle each received 10 acres, and each family also received 3 rooms, with witnesses being elders of the Jia surname. In 1940, his father and elder uncle separated. During the land reform in 1947, the four brothers and their father divided 21 acres of land, and by the end of 1955, all the land had been incorporated into the advanced cooperative. That year, he separated from his father, while his younger brother began to share with their father, but they did not separate the family property until 1960. On the elder uncle's side, there were three sons and two daughters; the eldest son separated in 1955, and the second son did not separate until after marriage in 1965. At that time, his grandfather was still alive, and his father and elder uncle each managed for half a year (the population registration books showed 65 people and 35 people for the two families). In 1982, during the joint production contract, JLH received 9 acres of land. At that time, there were 3 boys and 3 girls, and the eldest son worked as a laborer in the county. In 1989, when separating, the second and third sons each received more than 4 acres of land. Now, the living expenses of JLH and his wife are supported by their two children. JLH said that now family separation is similar to before liberation, where sons are separated but daughters are not. Figure 2 shows the family genealogy.

Case Study 2: The JLH Family.

From Figure 2, it can be seen that before the separation of JLH's grandfather's generation, the J family was a relatively typical extended family, with four generations living together, as reflected by the solid line A; the separation of the grandfather's generation in 1937 led to the division of the large family. In JLH's grandfather's generation, a new extended family was formed consisting of c, a, and b. After a and b separated in 1940, new families were formed. JLH himself (ego) separated from his father in 1955, and his younger brother also became independent in 1960 to form a new family e. In the 1980s, J's two sons (the eldest son was already working outside) also separated. In this separation, JLH, due to his old age, divided all the land to his sons, with his sons providing for his old age, including food.

From the above case studies, it can be seen that whether in traditional village society or modern rural areas, in most cases, families established through marital relationships often become a part of the larger family and do not constitute an independent family externally; only through separation can they become an independent family. Therefore, family separation is the main way of family reproduction.

So how is property divided during family separation? In rural areas, family separation is based on "shares" rather than by marital units. For example, if there are three married brothers, when separating, the eldest son's family is already married, so the marital unit is 4, but when separating, the property is usually divided into 3 shares instead of 4. Furthermore, the "family" in traditional Chinese society is very different from the marital unit. Additionally, in the division of property during separation, everyone is not treated equally. For instance, if brothers A, B, and C have not separated before, A has three sons, and the eldest son is married and has one child, B has two unmarried sons, and C has one young son. When dividing the property, it is not divided into 10 shares based on male population, but rather into 3 shares. C, having only one son, receives 1/3 of the property, while B and his two sons receive 1/3 of the property, and A, along with his three sons and grandson, can only receive 1/3 of the family property. The above case study 2 is an example. It can be seen that dividing property based on "shares" inherently leads to wealth inequality. Therefore, when studying the differentiation of rural society, family separation is a very important variable.

As for the factors triggering family separation, some are due to the death of one or both parents, some are due to brotherly discord, and some are due to poverty. The Mantetsu "Habitual Investigation" includes a survey of the reasons for family separation in five villages in Hebei and Shandong from 1940 to 1942 (with 39 cases), summarizing the reasons for family separation as follows: 1. Life difficulties: 12 cases; 2. Disharmony among sisters-in-law: 6 cases; 3. Discord among brothers: 7 cases; 4. Economic discord among brothers: 7 cases; 5. Separation due to diligence: 1 case; 6. Disharmony between aunt and sister-in-law: 1 case; 7. Disharmony between father and son: 1 case; 8. Aging of the father: 1 case.

Regarding the reasons for family separation, Friedman analyzes it from the perspective of economic competition and conflicts of interest among brothers. He believes that in a large family, when the parents are alive, the sons do not have the ability to exercise personal rights, but this right is potential. At this time, the competitive relationship among brothers is mainly performed by the sisters-in-law brought in through marriage. However, once the father's authority disappears, this competitive relationship becomes apparent, and the family's division becomes uncontrollable. He points out that although brotherly unity is repeatedly emphasized in Confucian ethics, their separation due to property is inevitable.

Mr. Xu Liangguang.

Xu Liangguang believes that when the bond between husband and wife is stronger than that between father and son, separation is likely to occur; conversely, it is easier to achieve generations living together. All of this depends on the economic status of the family; in the affluent class, because it is easier to realize the ideological consciousness of the family, the relationship between father and son is strengthened; in the impoverished class, on the contrary, the independence between husband and wife is higher, making separation easier.

The above discussions may be summarized as an increase in friction within the family, breaking the internal balance of the family. However, this is only the direct cause of separation. In many cases, people do not wait for these causes to appear before separating. During my investigation, I found that many families often separated without any friction or conflict within the family. Villagers often say: "Our separation now is just the right time to separate; although there are instances of quarrels, they are not many." Thus, I think family separation is also a customary phenomenon. That is, beyond the direct causes of separation, there are deeper cultural bases. When family separation becomes a cultural institution, it possesses the general attributes of culture; it is already existing, and people accept it without questioning why, simply believing that everyone does so; in acting according to this, the decision-making cost is almost zero. Of course, the benefits of family separation are evident. In fact, family separation is a rational choice for farmers, stemming from the specific realities of life. From the perspective of the function of family separation, it not only reduces family friction but also mobilizes each family member's enthusiasm for economic activities, and it is conducive to individual independence and the full utilization of kinship as a social resource. Because before separation, kinship relations face many difficulties in communication, while separation clarifies the direction of kinship relations.

In Chinese society, especially in rural society, villagers often say "separation shows high and low in three years," "wealth does not last beyond three generations"; "father and son united, the yellow earth turns to gold," "three brothers and four siblings united, the land in front of the door turns to gold." The former indicates that property is not fixed and is constantly flowing; the latter indicates that as long as father and son, brothers unite, work hard, and save, they can turn from poor to rich. These proverbs reveal two important phenomena: family separation allows the flow of property rights such as land and houses between different families, enabling the rich to become poor and the poor to become rich, thus bringing about social mobility.

Unlike the hereditary system of land in medieval Western European villages, where land cannot be bought or sold, ancient China's land could be bought and sold. This not only leads to land consolidation and the emergence of new landlords but also causes a large number of self-cultivating farmers to lose their land and become tenants and hired laborers, or even landlords to lose their property and become farmers. As Professor Hu Rulei pointed out: "Under the constraints of land transactions, the class status and economic identity of various strata in Chinese feudal society also exhibit the characteristic of being in constant flux." The saying "a piece of land changes ownership a thousand times in a thousand years" and "30 years in the east, 30 years in the west" can be seen as a reflection of this flow of property rights and social mobility.

Hu Rulei's "Research on the Forms of Chinese Feudal Society." Image source: Douban.

The flow of property rights during the process of family separation is mainly a vertical process from the father to the offspring, while over a longer period, due to the free buying and selling of property such as land, property rights also have a horizontal flow between families. Along with the vertical and horizontal flow of property rights, upward and downward social mobility of farmers occurs. The following different case studies reflect this reality:

(1) "Wealth does not last beyond three generations."

This section's case study reflects the family separation process involving three generations, where the flow of property is continuously divided based on the original base.

Case Study 3

WBQ's grandfather had 5 sons and over 400 acres of land (including 80 acres of sandy wasteland) at the beginning of this century, along with more than 10 acres of orchards, 1 brick kiln, 1 sesame oil factory, 1 oil mill, 1 cotton house, and over 80 sheep. By 1924, the amount of land was basically the same. At that time, the family had 31 people, employing an average of 3-4 workers monthly. By 1934, there were over 200 acres of land. That year, due to buying a sick horse, all 5 livestock died. Under such circumstances, the 5 brothers separated, with each share being 15 acres of land and 300 yuan of debt, leaving 58 acres of irrigated land and 80 acres of sandy wasteland. In 1940, the houses were divided, and the father received 12 rooms. In October 1941, the grandfather passed away. That winter, the 58 acres of irrigated land were also divided, with each share receiving 105 acres, and each share also received 17 acres of sandy wasteland. WB's father ended up with 29 acres of good land and 17 acres of sandy wasteland. After the separation, the father bought a two-wheeled cart and a water cart. In 1946, the 4 brothers separated, with the family having 10 members at that time. WB himself received 1/4 of a large cart, 1/4 of a cow, 1/4 of a water cart, 1/4 of a wheelbarrow, 6.8 acres of irrigated land, and 7 rooms.

From this case study, it can be seen that the separation of WB's father's brothers went through two processes: first, only part of the irrigated land was divided, and later, due to the grandfather's death, the family property was completely divided. The base of over 200 acres of land (including 80 acres of wasteland) was divided equally among the second generation's 5 sons, with each share receiving over 20 acres of irrigated land; by the time of WB, the 4 brothers further divided the 20 acres received from their father into 4 shares, and he received 68 acres. This case reflects the process of continuous division of land and houses in the cry of separation. This is also the reason behind the saying "wealth does not last beyond three generations." Of course, an important factor in "wealth does not last beyond three generations" is the existence of "prodigal sons," as farmers often say.

Case Study 4

At the beginning of this century, JZL's grandfather and his brother had over 100 acres of land and 3 livestock, employing both long-term and short-term workers. After separation, they had 50-60 acres of land. One family fell into decline under his father's management, and by 1937, they had no land left, no livestock or farming tools, and J could only work as a laborer. However, due to his great-uncle having no sons, after his great-grandmother passed away, all his property was inherited back into JZL's family. Before the land reform, there were 5 people in the family, with 22 rooms (of which 12 were taken over from his great-grandmother's family) and 18 acres of land.

From this case study, it can be seen that JZL's grandfather had over 100 acres of land, and during his father's separation, he received over 50 acres. By 1937, this separation had resulted in a landless farmer. However, due to the principle of inheritance, the family's land went from having none to having some.

(2) "Separation shows high and low in three years."

Family separation, to some extent, provides the operators of the new families with an opportunity to unleash their potential. The high and low abilities, the good and bad management gradually manifest after separation, thus widening the distance between the separated families. Of course, during separation, parental favoritism may also provide a certain family with a better economic foundation.

Case Study 5

ZYH's father had three brothers: ZLQ (ZYH's father), ZLG, and ZLP. In 1914, ZLQ's father passed away, leaving 50 acres of land, 21 rooms, 2 mules, 1 donkey, and 1 large cart, with his mother in charge. In 1920, ZLQ separated from the family. During separation, due to his mother's favoritism, he was only given 3 acres of land and 7 rooms (of which 3 were later bought back for 60 yuan), along with 200 yuan of debt. Life was quite difficult after separation. ZLQ was very hardworking, and as his sons grew up, they could help, and later they began to have surplus every year, saving some money. Between 1944 and 1946, he bought 224 acres of productive land and 10.43 acres of wasteland. Before the land reform, there were 11 people in the family, with 30 acres of land, 13 rooms, and 1 mule and 1 donkey. Later, due to discord among the sons, they separated in 1949.

ZLG separated from his mother and ZLP in 1937, with 5 people in the family, receiving 45 rooms, 1/2 of a mule, 1/2 of a water cart, and 303 acres of land (of which 235 acres were irrigated). Two to three years before the land reform, he bought 39 acres of land from his cousin ZJH, and in 1947, he bought 3 acres of irrigated land from his nephew ZBL. During the land reform in 1947, he separated 9 acres of irrigated land, later returning 6 acres, thus having 342 acres of land at that time, with 6 people in the family.

ZLP was the most favored by his mother, receiving 205 acres of land, 8 brick houses, 2 earthen houses, 1/2 of a mule, 1/2 of a large cart, and 1/2 of a water cart. Later, he hired workers for some side businesses, earning considerable income, and passed away in 1946, leaving his only son ZBL. During the land reform, ZLQ was classified as a middle peasant, ZLG as an upper middle peasant, and ZLP as a rich peasant.

Case Study 6

ZRL's grandfather ZLQ had 4 brothers: ZLS, ZLZ, ZLH, and ZLQ. Grandfather ZLQ had over 100 acres of land. ZRL's father had two brothers, and his uncle had two sons, JS and JH. His father died at the beginning of this century, and his mother died in 1936. By 1937, they had not separated before the uncle passed away. At that time, the family had over 300 acres of land, 5 mules, 1 donkey, and nearly 100 rooms, living a typical large family life. The year after the uncle died, the 4 brothers separated, dividing into three shares, with the uncle's two children JS and JH forming one share; ZLQ's 4 brothers divided into two shares, and then the 4 brothers combined these two shares into one share and divided it into 4 shares. At that time, ZLQ received 37 acres of irrigated land and 10 rooms, with a total of 8 people. Before 1941, he had hired a worker for a year. In 1943, ZRL's father, another uncle, and grandfather ZLQ separated, with ZRL's father receiving 13 acres of land and 3 rooms. Later, he bought 1 calf, built 3 new rooms, and exchanged the reclaimed land for a piece of familiar land from ZLQ (same clan) (4.564 acres). During the land reform, he received a piece of irrigated land in the northern part of the horizontal road (4.813 acres), thus having a total of 22395 acres of land (including 20526 acres of irrigated land). ZRL separated from his father in 1951, receiving 10 acres of irrigated land, 4 rooms, and 1 well shed; his uncle received 8379 acres of land and 3 rooms during the 1943 separation; his second grandfather ZLS received 29 acres of irrigated land and over 2 acres of dry land, with 10 rooms, before the land reform, remained unchanged. ZRL's two uncles, ZLZ, received 27 acres of irrigated land and 8.96 acres of dry land during separation, which remained unchanged until the land reform; ZLH received 19 acres of land and 6 rooms during separation, which also remained unchanged before the land reform. The two cousins JS and JH received 100 acres of land during separation, which had 83 acres of land and 20 rooms by the time of the land reform (the two brothers had not separated).

From the above two case studies, it can be seen that whether from rich to poor or from poor to rich, or basically remaining in place, each family's property status is in a state of change, and correspondingly, social mobility arises.

(3) "Father and son united, the yellow earth turns to gold."

Now let's look at a few case studies:

Case Study 7

JWJ's grandfather had 24 acres of land, 1 donkey, and 8 rooms. Later, life became increasingly difficult, and by the time it reached J's father, only 6 acres of dry land and 2 rooms remained, with 10 people at that time. Later, J's father and several brothers began to purchase some land by working for others. Before the land reform, the J family had 11 people, with 5 rooms, and 22.5 acres of land, including 215 acres of irrigated land and 1 donkey. In 1954, the J brothers separated, and he received 54 acres of land and 2 rooms.

Case Study 8

JHL's grandfather received 10 acres of dry land and an empty house base during separation at the beginning of this century. Later, his grandfather and son worked together, building 25 rooms and reaching over 70 acres of land, with 27 people at that time. In 1937, his father's generation separated into 3 brothers, with his father receiving 21 acres of land, 1/2 of a water cart, 1/2 of a mule, and 9 rooms, with 7 people at that time, and his grandfather and grandmother were supported by his father's brothers. Before the land reform, there were 7 people, with 21 acres of land, 1 water cart, 1 cart, 1 donkey, and 9 rooms, without exploitation. The situation remained unchanged after the land reform. In 1952, he separated from his father, receiving 6 acres of land (half irrigated and half dry) and 3 rooms, sharing the large cart and water cart.

Case Study 7 reflects that the grandfather's 24 acres of land had only 6 acres of dry land left under his father's management, and later, due to the joint efforts of his brothers, they purchased some land back, reaching 22.5 acres before the land reform. Case Study 8 shows that his grandfather received only 10 acres of land during separation. Later, through his grandfather's efforts, by the 20s and 30s of this century, they had 70 acres of land, 27 people, and 25 rooms. After that, during the separation of his father's three brothers, his father received 21 acres of land, and this situation was basically maintained. Although these two case studies cannot be said to be wealthy, they have also escaped poverty.

The flow of property rights brought about by family separation and the related social mobility make the economic and social status of farmers in traditional society characterized by constant change. Therefore, when one generation falls, they will not despair, as they can still place their hopes for family revival on the next generation. Reflecting on whether China's imperial examination system gives ordinary farmers the hope of "from being a farmer in the morning to entering the emperor's hall in the evening," I wonder whether this family separation system and the selection system have influenced the cultural psychology of the Chinese people. The Chinese are optimistic, with fewer tragic sentiments, always holding vague hopes for the future; is this cultural psychological characteristic related to the various systems in real life? This is indeed a very interesting question.

Fei Xiaotong's "Reproductive System." Image source: Douban.

If family separation is like the division of extended families, it will soon continue to separate until it reaches the level of nuclear families. So, is this gradually fragmenting process of families irreversible? No. Mr. Fei Xiaotong used the "feedback model" to illustrate this relationship. Of course, this model is summarized from the perspective of elder care, but it reveals one aspect of the relationship between family separation and the original family. This prompts me to think about the following questions: What is being separated in family separation? What kind of relationship exists between the original family and the separated families? Let us discuss these issues.

Due to the rich variety of family forms, scholars have various understandings of what constitutes family separation. Among them, Cohen's definition, which states that only formal division of family property counts as separation, has the most influence. He believes that as long as the family finances are shared, even if the people are separated, they are still members of one family. The division of family finances is the main variable for the initial family separation. Some scholars believe that Cohen overlooks the fact that landless farmers use the division of hearths as an indicator of separation. In fact, whether it is property division or hearth division, they are just important indicators of separation; without a formal separation ceremony, even if there is property division or hearth division, it cannot be considered separation, as in case study 2. Overall, these studies on family separation are primarily considered from an economic perspective, with less consideration from a social angle; when there is some involvement, people often view property division as a complete rupture of a family, as many researchers often believe that the principle of equal inheritance among brothers leads to the inheritance of a divided family rather than a complete family. However, this is not the case. Behind the division, an important word is "continuation." "Continuation" is a basic characteristic of Chinese families. Chinese families are groups that "serve ancestors above" and "continue the descendants below." "Continuation" is a key link in the reproduction process of families.

I believe that family separation contains both continuation. Here, "continuation" mainly includes two meanings: one is successors, which is the obligation to support the elderly, which I call "continuation contains care," and the other is the obligation to worship ancestors.

After family separation, the relationship between the separated families and the original family (which also gives rise to the relationship between separated families) is mainly reflected in the care for the elderly, especially after one parent passes away, the care for single elderly individuals becomes an important obligation for each separated family. In Beiwang Village, this is mainly reflected in "taking turns to eat." During my investigation, I found that whether in the household registration or land records, many households in Beiwang Village often represent family members with decimals, such as 5.5 people, 33 people, reflecting the phenomenon of single elderly individuals "taking turns to eat" in different sons' homes. According to my statistics, among the 506 households in the village, there are over 160 such families. In the aforementioned case study 1, the care for JLH's grandfather in the 1960s is one example. During my investigation, I focused on interviewing HJG, an elderly person who is now 80 years old, living in his eldest son's home, but eating in the homes of both sons for half a year each. Such families are relatively common in both the north and south. Existing research has mainly considered family separation from the perspective of property; in fact, an important aspect of family separation is the division of people, that is, the allocation of responsibilities for caring for parents, which is "continuation contains care." In Fujian and Taiwan, this phenomenon is often expressed as "division follows the person."

Regarding the second aspect of continuation, which is the obligation to worship ancestors, as is commonly seen, most families separate property without separating worship. In rural North China, this worship relationship is mainly reflected during festivals such as the Spring Festival and Qingming, where ancestral tablets are rarely seen in homes.

The main content of continuation has been described above. So, what is the cultural basis for continuation?

The concept of caring for parents is based on the Confucian principle of "filial piety," which is well known and will not be elaborated here; as for the obligation of worship, it is based on the concept of the unity of father and son. Chinese culture particularly emphasizes the concept of unity, such as the unity of father and son, the unity of brothers, and the unity of husband and wife, with the unity of father and son being the core. The so-called "unity of father and son" does not only refer to the two generations of father and son. Above the father, there is also the grandfather, and below the son, there are grandchildren. The unity of father and son actually represents all stages of male lineage, meaning that all ancestors and all descendants share a unified relationship. This relationship needs to be confirmed and reinforced through religious rituals, hence the practice of ancestor worship. Surrounding the concept of ancestor worship is the belief that a person's existence is due to their ancestors, and conversely, the existence of ancestors is also due to their descendants. The life of ancestors in the underworld must rely on the offerings from descendants in the living world, while the well-being of living descendants depends on the protection of ancestors in the underworld, and the bond connecting them is worship. If this worship ceases, both ancestors and descendants will suffer. As Mr. Fei Xiaotong once said, the Chinese people are a nation with both ancestors and descendants, which carries profound meaning.

In reality, father and son are the core link from ancestors to descendants, and the father-son relationship directly reflects the content of "continuation." According to customary law, only sons have the right to inherit property; daughters lose their inheritance rights upon marrying into another surname; all sons inherit property according to the principle of equal division. The eldest son often receives an additional share for ancestral worship. For the same reasons, if there are no sons, choosing a successor is not a simple matter. Many genealogies explicitly state that if there are no sons, a successor must be chosen from among those of the same surname. The genealogy of the Sun family in Shouzhou states: "If there are no sons, a successor must be chosen, and the name must be appropriate, as stated in the genealogy. If there are no successors, one may choose a beloved one, but one must not adopt a child of a different surname, as this would disrupt the clan." The regulations of the Peng family in Jianyang state, "If there are no children, this is an unfortunate matter, so it is natural to care for them, but one must choose a beloved and virtuous person from among those of the same father and kin, and must not adopt a child of a different surname, as this would lead to disorder in the clan." To avoid disputes arising from property disputes, customary laws of the clan have also established rules regarding the order of succession, such as the Li family in Jiaogou stating, "In families without sons, the eldest son of the first branch must be chosen; if the first branch has no sons, the second branch's eldest son must be chosen; disputes are not allowed. If there are no suitable successors, one must choose a talented person from the nearest branch; if there are no nearby branches, one must choose a talented person from the distant branch."

The above discussion concerns "continuation within division," so what does "unity within division" refer to?

As mentioned earlier, family separation is a basic way of family reproduction in China; however, the new families (separated families) formed by family separation are not completely independent. Similarly, stemming from the concept of the unity of father and son, the common opening phrase of family separation, "a tree grows branches," indicates that branches come from the same root, and there is a natural connection between separated families and the original family, as well as among separated families. This connection is rooted in family consciousness and the deeply ingrained concept of father and son, and its existence allows for unity within division.

What does unity refer to? It mainly refers to the cultural connections between separated families and the original family, as well as between separated families, meaning that there still exists a priority for economic cooperation and obligations to participate in cultural rituals and act in unison externally among separated families and the original family. Although these situations do not necessarily occur at all times, when they do occur, they often follow the aforementioned logic. In other words, this is a cultural agreement, and the parties involved can have clear expectations of it. It is somewhat like the legal concept of "expectation rights"; in life, when there is a need for cooperation, generally speaking, separated families are the first to be considered. For example, the cooperation between separated families and the original family, as well as between separated families, arises from this cultural rule.

(1) Between separated families and the original family

The need for cooperation among small farming families is evident, and who to cooperate with shows a priority characteristic of the original family and relatives. This situation is particularly evident in rural areas after the implementation of the joint production responsibility system. According to a survey conducted by Mr. Wang Sibin in the mid-1980s, in rural production cooperation, cooperation among families and relatives accounted for 67.1% of the total, while cooperation among neighbors and general acquaintances accounted for 32.9%, with the former being twice that of the latter. Among cooperation among families and relatives, cooperation among small families within three generations accounted for 33.4%; cooperation among families outside three generations and within five degrees of kinship accounted for 28.9%; and cooperation among female relatives accounted for 32.8%. For example, in my investigation of Beiwang Village, the family of CZF (male, 51 years old) received over 10 acres of land when contracted in 1982, with 5 people in the family. Due to the marriage of his son, they separated in 1995. The two courtyards were divided by drawing lots. The farmland was divided into 3 parts, with CZF and his two sons each receiving 1 part; the pear trees, totaling 440, were divided into 3 parts, with each separated family receiving over 100 trees. In the same year, the second son established a pear storage facility, costing over 100,000 yuan, with the funds shared among the three families, and the profits and losses were shared by everyone.

Sometimes, the need for economic cooperation can even lead to previously separated families merging again; in this case, unity becomes not only an economic connection but also a structural change. In 1984, a survey conducted by the Sociology Research Institute of the Sichuan Academy of Social Sciences on 2,237 rural households in 9 counties in Sichuan showed that after the implementation of the responsibility system, 31 households that had previously separated and then merged again were found, accounting for 1.38% of the surveyed households.

Additionally, according to the statistical data from Beiwang Village in 1965, there were 24 households of extended families and 35 main households, accounting for 7.14% and 10.42% of the total households, respectively. After the 1980s, the proportion of main households and extended families in Beiwang Village showed an upward trend, increasing to 132% and 15.37%, respectively.

(2) Between separated families

The relationship between separated families mainly refers to the horizontal relationships among brothers. The "brother" relationship is a group of relationships subordinate to the vertical relationship of "father and son." In Chinese culture, when mentioning "brothers," it is said that "brothers are like hands and feet." Hands and feet refer to the whole person, and the whole here is the family. The cultural rule emphasized by Confucianism, "brothers are friendly and respectful," provides a certain cultural foundation for the "unity" of separated families after separation.

In folk society, while emphasizing the independent entrepreneurship of separated families, the production mutual assistance among brothers' families and their cooperation in cultural rituals and external unity are also valued. In traditional agricultural society, cooperation among brothers' families in farming, harvesting, and threshing is very common. Additionally, although everything is divided during separation, there are still some indivisible items, such as wells, mills, livestock, and courtyards, which are often shared; this shared relationship is also a basis for maintaining unity between separated families.

The manifestation of unity has been described above. So, what is the difference between unity and continuation? If continuation is a vertical obligation from the lower to the upper, then unity includes both vertical and horizontal relationships based on the awareness of interconnected branches and shared bloodlines, leaning more toward cultural relationships, which often manifest as a kind of expectation.

Because there is both continuation and unity within division, the economic division of families based on economic ties does not mean the division of the family; the original family and separated families, as well as among separated families, still maintain various close relationships. It can be said that the original family and various separated families still belong to an apparently invisible family, which is a ritual family or "conceptual family." In other words, family separation brings about division at the family level, but the original family and separated families also have elements of unity, which is the unity at the clan level. Thus, the division at the family level and the unity at the clan level form the basic operational mechanism of the Chinese family, namely the mechanism of division and unity. It is worth emphasizing that this mechanism of division and unity reflects not only the practical needs of farmers' lives but also reflects the ethical principles of Confucianism. Here, one cannot help but admire the survival wisdom of Chinese farmers.

It is generally believed that family separation is like cell division, a complete rupture of the whole; however, this is not the case. Due to the continuation and unity within division, while the original family and various separated families are economically separated, various family obligations, religious obligations, and cultural agreements still connect them. From mutual assistance in production and funds, shared production tools, priority in buying land among relatives, to coordination and mutual assistance in rituals during joyous and sorrowful events, various aspects of farmers' daily lives exhibit close interactions between the original family and separated families, as well as among separated families. It can be said that culturally, Chinese families can never be separated. Thus, after family separation, the original family and various separated families form an apparently invisible family, where each constituent unit has an orderly relationship of rights and obligations, with the basis for this order being the kinship of father and son, and the maintenance of this relationship relies on culture. Among them, the cultural concept of the unity of ancestors and descendants is the conscious foundation upon which this order is established and maintained.

Research on family separation helps to understand the relationship between the grand tradition and the small tradition. My research shows that the relationship between the grand tradition and the small tradition in Chinese society is not oppositional but rather a connected separation. On one hand, Chinese farmers must make rational choices based on their practical life needs; on the other hand, they must accept the grand traditional culture transmitted by the gentry class. Thus, the actual living styles reflect a clever combination of the two. Family separation is a necessity of practical life, which seems to contradict the Confucian ideal of living together for generations and the principle of father-son unity. However, the invisible family formed after separation, the cultural family, is a realization of Confucian values. In other words, the Chinese family exhibits a tendency for separation at certain stages of its life cycle, while also possessing a strong centripetal force. Under the influence of these seemingly conflicting yet mutually reinforcing forces, the Chinese family separation system is formed. This system demonstrates a high degree of integration between the grand tradition and the small tradition, and reflects the survival wisdom of the Chinese people. From the perspective of the reproduction of the feudal system and feudal society itself, this system is extremely refined; however, from the perspective of the needs of productive forces and social development, it has many drawbacks, but this exceeds the scope of this article.

Text editing: Lin Shang

Push editing: Li Jinyao, Li Yuxuan

Review: Tian Geng

This article "Separation of Families: In Division, There is Continuation and Unity — A Study of China's Family Separation System" is selected from "Social Sciences in China," 1999, Issue 1. For ease of reading, footnotes and references have been omitted.